NJMCDirect – Pay Traffic Tickets Online at www.njmcdirect.com

Tired of standing in queues for paying traffic fines???? No need to stand long–READOUT this NJMC DIRECT login and payment procedure.

NJMCDirect is an online portal through which users can pay traffic tickets or fine-bills quickly. Users may find it difficult to visit the court for paying traffic fines and other bills. If users are out of the station when your charge paying date is near, they can complete your payment procedure via NJMCDirect. Most interestingly, you don’t have to pay any late fine or extra charge if you choose NJMCDirect payment methods. New Jersey Municipal Court has introduced this mode of payment so that people can avoid long queues at the time of making payment for traffic tickets and fines.

Requirements for Using NJMCDirect

For accessing NJMCDirect online payment portal, a user requires to have the following things:

  1. Traffic Ticket: If you are willing to make payment through NJMCDirect, you need to have legitimate traffic or parking ticket with you. This is considered to be proof. Whenever one tries to violate traffic rules, officers will provide him/her with a traffic ticket. That ticket contains Ticket Number and Court ID on it. The ticket-issuing authority mentions on this ticket which sort of traffic violation you have attempted. Without having it, you cannot proceed with the process of payment.
  2. License Plate Number: Don’t forget to have a License Plate Number. You will find it on your driving license. It is available under vehicle-related information.
  3. Credit Card: As you are going to pay online, quite naturally, you must have a debit or credit card. Users can also use the VISA Card and MasterCard for this purpose.
  4. Proper Device: Users must have a smartphone, laptop or PC with a stable internet connection so that they can enjoy an uninterrupted service. They also require to use the following browsers for easy access to NJMCDirect official websites:
  • AOL 0 or higher
  • Firefox 5 or higher
  • Internet Explorer 0 or higher
  • Netscape 1 or higher

Steps for Payment through NJMCDirect

We are going to present you with a step by step guide that you can follow for making an online payment for traffic tickets. Don’t worry. The process is very simple and you can make payment once you fulfill all requirements which are essential for this process. Go through the steps and make fast payment. First, navigate to the site.

Although most online portals give 24/7 hours service, NJMCDirect has particular operational hours. You need to follow these easy steps below:

  • After visiting the website, click on “continue”
  • Find a tab named as “Traffic Ticket Search” or “Time Payment Order.” Then users need to click on it to begin the payment process.
  • Next, put some required details like CourtID, Ticket Prefix, License Plate Number, and Ticket Number.
  • Next, you need to select “Continue.”
  • Two options will appear:
  • Visit www.NJMCDirect.com for the ticket.
  • Process NJMCDirect Ticket Payment
  • Users require to choose any one option according to their needs.
  • This first option will redirect you to the ticket and that second one will begin the procedure of payment.
  • Make payment for ticket fine using VISA Card or MasterCard.

New Jersey Court has designed the NJMCDirect portal to save all details related to transactions for up to 90 days. If you have further queries, feel free to contact the NJMC customer support team.

Benefits of NJMCDirect Payment Portal

NJMCDirect portal appears to be one of the best platforms for online payment of traffic bills as it is quite more comfortable to use. Besides being user-friendly, it also provides other benefits to users like:

  • Compared to manual transactions, it turns out to be quite faster.
  • The security issue is also fantastic, and confidential information of users is preserved safely. New Jersey Court is adept enough to maintain complete security. None except employees of New Jersey Municipal Court can get access to those pieces of information.
  • This online payment method is also convenient. Instead of visiting New Jersey Court for making payment, one needs to pay an extra $1 to $4 for all transactions. Here is the convenience and penalty fee:
Penalty Fee Fee for Convenience
$1.00-40.00 $1.0
$41.00-87.00 $2.0
$88.00-200.00 $3.0
>$200.00 $4.0

NJMCDirect Hours of Operations

NJMCDirect operational hours are as follows:

★     7:30 AM- 11:45 PM: From Monday to Thursday

★     On Fridays: 7:30 AM- 10:45 PM

★     7:30 AM-3:45 PM: On Saturdays

★     On Sunday: 1 PM- 11:45 PM

NJMCDirect Customer Service Contact Details

NJMCDirect customer service team is always at the service of their beloved customers. The executives help solve those problems related to NJMCDirect login and payment of traffic fines. Customer service team’s contact details are provided for your convenience:

NJMC Office Hours: For Monday to Friday- 8 AM- 4 PM

NJMC Office Address: NJMC Public Safety Building, 228 Chesnutt Street, Second Floor

Fax: 973-284-4914

Phone Number: 973-284-4945

If you are a citizen of New Jersey, you can avail of NJMCDirect benefits introduced by New Jersey Municipal Court. Don’t gather outside the court premises to pay for traffic fines or other related bills. Reach your destination on time and have a great time!


  1. Can outdated traffic tickets be used for making payment on the NJMC portal?

No, one can’t proceed with the payment procedure without having legal and up-to-date traffic tickets. If the validity of your traffic ticket has expired, contact concerning authority that shares responsibility for issuing traffic tickets for renewal.

  1. Is any particular type of traffic ticket required for the payment procedure?

Yes, you need to hold a payable encroachment type of traffic ticket for continuing the payment procedure. Such a kind of traffic ticket contains all trails of New Jersey Court. You can gather no warrants that you need to pay through the web.

  1. Is the payment of convenience cost necessary?

Yes, you must pay the convenience charge. Otherwise, you will not be eligible for making payment for your traffic tickets using the NJMCDirect online payment portal.

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Free Speech Ends Where Sedition Begins

NEW DELHI — Last month, a flyer entitled “The Country Without a Post Office” was circulated on the campus of Jawaharlal Nehru University (J.N.U.), here in Delhi, inviting students to a “cultural evening” on Feb. 9.

But “cultural” was a misnomer, and academic freedom would not be on the agenda. Some not-so-small print further down the page called on participants to “rage” against the Indian “occupation” of Muslim-majority Kashmir and protest the “judicial killing of Afzal Guru and Maqbool Bhat.”

Afzal Guru, who is also known as Muhammad Afzal, and Mr. Bhat were both convicted terrorists, found guilty separately after their cases slowly went up the ladder of due process, all the way to the highest court in India. Mr. Bhat was hanged in 1984 for the murder of a police inspector in Kashmir; Mr. Afzal was hanged in 2013 for his role in the 2001 attack on India’s Parliament. In both 1984 and 2013, the Congress Party was in power.

The date chosen for the Feb. 9 event at J.N.U. was the anniversary of Mr. Afzal’s execution. Upon learning of this, the university authorities initially reacted by shrugging and looking away: Students will be students. But a video made the night of the gathering soon went viral, and it seemed to show shouting students and activists vowing to break up India into small pieces. It ended with the calls, “Inshallah! Inshallah!” “Allah Willing! Allah Willing!”

More footage of the protest soon appeared online — followed by allegations that some of it had been tampered with. The local Delhi government, which is headed by Arvind Kejriwal, a vitriolic critic of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, sent seven videotapes to a laboratory for a forensic probe. On Tuesday, India’s leading news agency, PTI, reported the results: Two of the tapes had been doctored, five were authentic. (The Indian Express reports that three had been manipulated.)

I saw one of the tapes deemed to be authentic, and I heard those fever-pitch chants calling for India’s dismemberment. And so to my mind the issue isn’t what was or was not said that day; it is whether freedom of speech should be stretched to include the adulation of terrorists and calls for the destruction of India, or if it ends where sedition begins.

When free India’s first Constitution became the law of the land in 1950, it included an article treating freedom of speech and of expression as a basic right. The very first amendment to that text, passed by the republic’s founding fathers in 1951, added “reasonable restrictions” to the free-speech clause, partly in order to protect the “security of the state.”

This happened while India’s prime minister was Jawaharlal Nehru, a self-proclaimed socialist and a liberal icon, after whom J.N.U. was named. In 1963, while Mr. Nehru was still prime minister, Parliament passed another constitutional amendment clarifying that the security of the state meant “the sovereignty and integrity of India.”

Mr. Nehru had good cause for caution. During the volatile 1940s, during which India won its independence from Britain, he saw how Islamism posed an existential challenge to the nation’s unity, and Communism to its democracy. Pakistan was born in 1947, at the same time as India, becoming the first Islamic republic of the postcolonial era. A year after that, the Communist Party of India, instead of joining Mr. Nehru’s efforts to build up the fledging Indian nation, declared its independence a “fake” and began an armed struggle.

By 1951, that red revolution had mostly died out, partly because of limited popular support and because Moscow, which backed Indian Communists, was wary of alienating Mr. Nehru as the Cold War was picking up. Yet some Communist sympathies continued to smolder. In 1962, when India suffered a devastating defeat in a war against China, a powerful section of Indian Communist leaders backed China. They were imprisoned, briefly, and in 1963, the Nehru administration clarified the scope of free-speech laws.

Within a few years, India’s Communists had split three ways. Two parties joined the nationalist mainstream; the third, which identified itself as Maoist, started a violent revolution to overthrow the Indian government. Many of that group’s younger followers found sanctuary at universities, knowing that by longstanding tradition, the police were loath to enter campuses.

But as the violence grew more intense in the 1970s and thousands of people died throughout eastern and northern India, police forces began crossing university gates to arrest Maoist radicals. Then in the 1980s the old specter of religion returned to haunt India: In Punjab, demands for the creation of a separate Sikh state turned into a full-fledged insurrection, which encouraged Muslim separatists in Kashmir to rise up as well.

Many Indians today are still wary that religious separatists and Maoist extremists continue to threaten India’s unity, and that they have supporters among students. Some try to explain away such activism by pointing to anti-Vietnam War protests at U.S. universities in the 1960s and 1970s. But to do this is to overlook the scars that terrorism’s long and lacerating history in India has left on us here.  

Mr. Afzal, whose rights the J.N.U. students were rising to defend, was involved in the 2001 terrorist attack on India’s Parliament. I wonder how Americans, after 9/11, would react to a “cultural evening” celebrating Osama bin Laden.

Some reactions to the J.N.U. protest were ugly. A group of lawyers assaulted the students who came to court to face charges of sedition. A videotape of a speech made by the most prominent J.N.U. student leader reportedly was doctored in ways designed to incriminate him. Such things are unacceptable.

But many Indians are livid about one thing that is not in dispute: that some of that talk on Feb. 9 was aggressively secessionist. As Mr. Nehru himself well understood, freedom of speech is not a license to undermine the sovereignty and integrity of India.

Source Credits : In The New York Times